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World Report 2. 01. Ethiopia Human Rights Watch. Large- scale and unprecedented protests swept through Ethiopia’s largest region of Oromia beginning in November 2. Amhara region from July 2. Ethiopian security forces cracked- down on these largely peaceful demonstrations, killing more than 5.

Scores of people fleeing security force gunfire and teargas during the annual Irreecha festival died in a stampede on October 2 in Bishoftu, Oromia region. On October 9, following the destruction of some government buildings and private property by youths, the government announced a draconian and far- reaching six- month countrywide state of emergency, which prescribes sweeping and vaguely worded restrictions on a broad range of actions and undermines free expression, association, and peaceful assembly. Watch Phoebe In Wonderland Online Metacritic on this page. The directive also effectively codified many of the security forces’ abusive tactics, such as arbitrary detention. The protests occurred against a background of nearly non- existent political space: in parliament, the ruling coalition has 1. Ethiopia deploys troops inside Somalia as part of the African Union mission (AMISOM). In 2. 01. 6, there were reports that abusive “Liyu police,” a paramilitary force, were also deployed alongside the Ethiopian Defense Forces in Somalia. In July, Ethiopian forces operating outside the AMISOM mandate indiscriminately killed 1.

Al- Shabab in Somalia’s Bay region. See Somalia chapter.)Ethiopian security forces have killed more than 4. Oromia region since November 2.

Freedom of Assembly. Concerns about the government’s proposed expansion of the municipal boundary of the capital, Addis Ababa, triggered widespread protests across Oromia and a heavy- handed response by security forces in 2. Protesters feared that the Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan would displace Oromo farmers, as has increasingly occurred over the past decade. There were broad doubts about the sincerity of the government’s announced cancellation of the Master Plan in January 2. Protesters expressed concerns over decades of historical grievances and the wrongful use of lethal force by the security forces. There were some reports of violence by protesters, but protests were largely peaceful. Similar protests and a resultant crack- down occurred in Oromia in April and May 2.

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During the protests, security forces arrested tens of thousands of students, teachers, opposition politicians, health workers, and those who sheltered or assisted fleeing protesters. While many detainees have been released, an unknown number remain in detention without charge or access to legal counsel or family. Most of the leadership of the legally registered opposition party, Oromo Federalist Congress, have been charged under the anti- terrorism law, including Deputy- Chairman Bekele Gerba, a staunch advocate of non- violence. In July, protests spread to the Amhara region, triggered by the arrest of Welkait Identity Committee members, a group seeking to resolve long- standing concerns over administrative boundaries.

Protesters in Amhara region are primarily concerned with the unequal distribution of power and economic benefits in favor of those aligned to the government. On August 6 and 7, security forces killed over 1. Amhara and Oromia, including over 3. Bahir Dar alone. The town witnessed one of the largest protests.

There were reports of large- scale arrests throughout Amhara. In September, dozens of ethnic Konso were killed by security forces in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR) following protests over administrative boundaries in the Konso area. The government has not shown a willingness to address the expressed grievances of the protesters in Amhara, Oromia, or Konso, blaming much of the unrest on lack of good governance and youth unemployment, exacerbated by “outside forces.”The Ethiopian government failed to meaningfully investigate the killings of protesters in Oromia, Amhara, or Konso.

In a report to parliament in June, the Ethiopia Human Rights Commission, a government body, concluded that the level of force used by security forces in Oromia was proportionate to the risk they faced from protesters, contrary to available evidence. The October state of emergency directive banned all protests without government permission and permits arrest without court order in “a place assigned by the command post until the end of the state of emergency.”The Liyu police, a Somali Regional State (SRS) paramilitary police force, continued to commit serious human rights abuses in their ongoing conflict with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). There have been reports of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, and violence against civilians accused of supporting or being sympathetic to the ONLF. Following a June 1. Melbourne, Australia, against the visit of SRS President Abdi Iley, dozens of family members of protesters were arrested in Ethiopia. Freedom of Expression and Association.

Media continues to be under government stranglehold, exacerbated by the state of emergency at the end of 2. At least 7. 5 journalists have fled into exile since 2. In addition to threats against journalists, tactics used to restrict independent media include targeting publishers, printing presses, and distributors.

Scores of journalists—including Eskinder Nega and Woubshet Taye—protesters, and political opponents remain jailed under the anti- terrorism law. Journalist Getachew Shiferaw was convicted in November of criminal defamation and sentenced to one year in prison.

On May 1. 0, blogger Zelalem Workagegneu was sentenced to five years and two months under the anti- terrorism law after being detained for over 7. Journalist Yusuf Getachew, who was convicted in August 2. September 1. 0, after over four years in detention. The government regularly restricts access to social media apps and some websites with content that challenges the government’s narrative on key issues.

During particularly sensitive times, including after the Irreecha festival stampede, the government blocked access to the internet. The government also jammed the signals of international radio stations like Deutsche Welle and Voice of America in August and September. Social media and diaspora television stations played key roles in the dissemination of information and mobilization during protests. Under the state of emergency, people are banned from watching diaspora television, sharing information on social media, and closing businesses as a gesture of protest, as well as curtailing opposition parties’ ability to communicate with media. The 2. 00. 9 Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO law) continues to severely curtail the ability of independent nongovernmental organizations. The law bars work on human rights, governance, conflict resolution, and advocacy on the rights of women, children and people with disabilities if organizations receive more than 1. Questioning the government’s development policies is deemed particularly sensitive and activists face charges for doing so.

For example, the trial of Pastor Omot Agwa, who had worked as the facilitator and interpreter for the World Bank’s Inspection Panel as it investigated abuses linked to a bank investment, continued in 2. Two other individuals charged with Omot were acquitted in November. They were arrested in March 2. Addis Ababa airport on their way to a food security workshop in Nairobi, Kenya, and charged on September 7, 2. Torture and Arbitrary Detention. Ethiopian security personnel, including plainclothes security and intelligence officials, federal police, special police, and military, frequently tortured and otherwise ill- treated political detainees held in official and secret detention centers, to give confessions or provide information. Many of those arrested during recent protests said they were tortured in detention, including in military camps.

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